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肥城市妇幼保健院预约四维彩超济南妇科流产多少钱_新阳光Shaban Khema, an IT manager from Kosovo, wants just one thing this festive season: to be able to stay in Germany. But his chances are slim, and getting slimmer.沙班科玛(Shaban Khema)是一名来自科索沃的IT经理,这个节日季他只想要一样东西——可以留在德国。但他的机会十分微小,而且还在不断变小。“If I have to go back it’s death for me,” the 32-year-old says. “My future is here, not in Kosovo.”32岁的沙班说:“如果我必须回去,就等于被判了死刑。我的未来在这儿,不在科索沃。”Mr Khema is a casualty of Germany’s tough new approach to migrants from the Balkans. While the country has thrown open its doors to refugees from the war in Syria, it is closing them for people from countries such as Albania and Kosovo. Thousands of immigrants, many of whom have lived here for months, now face deportation.沙班是德国对巴尔干地区移民最新采取的强硬政策的牺牲品。德国在向叙利亚内战难民敞开国门的同时,对阿尔巴尼亚和科索沃等国的人关上了这道大门。成千上万名移民现在面临着驱逐出境,其中许多人已经在德国居住了好几个月。The approach is the flipside of Berlin’s “Willkommenskultur”, or “welcome culture”, that was embodied in Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision last September to bypass Europe’s asylum rules and allow thousands of refugees stuck on the Hungarian border to make their way to Germany. It was a move that split Europe and earned her stinging criticism from domestic opponents, who feared it would only encourage more uncontrolled immigration.这一举措是柏林方面“欢迎文化”(Willkommenskultur)的另一面;“欢迎文化”体现于德国总理安格拉默克尔(Angela Merkel)今年9月作出的一个决定。当时默克尔决定绕过欧洲的庇护规则,允许滞留在匈牙利边境的成千上万难民进入德国。这一作法不但导致欧洲意见分歧,还为她招致了国内对手的严厉批评,他们担心这会鼓励更多不受控制的移民。The Balkan strategy is in part a response to those critics. The idea is to reduce the influx by weeding out economic migrants and sending them home. Indeed, the number of repatriations has steadily risen: by the end of November, more than 18,000 people had been deported this year, compared with around 11,000 people in the whole of 2014.遣返巴尔干移民的决策在一定程度上是对这些批评的回应,其意图是通过清查并遣返经济移民来减少移民总数。的确,遣返人数一直在稳步上升,截至11月底,今年已有1.8万人被递解出境,而2014年全年为1.1万人左右。Yet in the grand scheme of things, it provides little relief. Germany is expected to have registered 1m asylum seekers by the end of the year, and new arrivals keep coming.但在宏观层面上,该策略起不到什么缓解作用。至今年底,德国预计将登记100万寻求庇护者,新难民还在不断涌入。Mr Khema, however, will not be among those allowed to stay. He and his wife and daughter were recently transported to a former US army barracks in the picturesque Bavarian town of Bamberg that has been turned into a camp for Balkan immigrants awaiting deportation.但是在获准留下的移民群体中,将不会出现沙班的名字。他和妻女最近被送往班贝格(Bamberg)一座专为巴尔干移民准备的营地,等待被递解出境。这座移民营位于风景如画的巴伐利亚小镇,是由原美军军营改造的。Visibly anxious, he has been in Germany for 10 months and ds returning home. “It’s a catastrophe there,” he says. “You can only get a job or medical treatment if you pay a bribe.”沙班的焦急显露无遗,他在德国已经待了10个月,惧怕回国。他说:“那儿现在一片衰败。你只有行贿才能得到一份工作或是获得治疗。”The Bamberg camp was set up as Germany’s parliament toughened up the country’s asylum law by placing Kosovo, Albania and Montenegro on the list of “safe” countries of origin: asylum applications from these countries would henceforth be considered “patently unfounded”. Further changes replaced the cash payments migrants receive with benefits in kind, such as vouchers for consumer goods or bus tickets.班贝格移民营的设立,是因为德国议会通过了更为严格的难民法案,将科索沃、阿尔巴尼亚和黑山共和国列入“安全的”原籍国名单,今后来自这些国家的庇护申请将被认为“显然毫无根据”。更多的改变包括将发放给移民的现金换成实物福利,比如购物代金券或车票。Bamberg houses 850 refugees, most brought here from temporary hostels dotted across Bavaria or picked up by local police. It is a Spartan place: residents complain about the food and the meagre allowance of ㈠   a month.班贝格现在容纳了850名难民,大多数人要么是从巴伐利亚州各地的临时旅馆带到这儿,要么是由当地警察送来的。这里条件艰苦,居民们对这里的食物和每月200欧元的微薄津贴都抱怨不已。“A lot of people are leaving of their own free will because the conditions are so bad,” says Nazmi, an Albanian man in his twenties. “They give us salami three times a day, every day. You feel like an animal.”20来岁的阿尔巴尼亚青年纳兹米(Nazmi)说:“许多人都自动离开了,因为这里的条件真是太差了。他们给我们每天的三顿饭都是萨拉米香肠,让人觉得自己像头动物。”Local officials say things are not so bad. There is a school, playroom and medical centre while the Red Cross provides second-hand clothes. The accommodation may be crowded but at least it is warm and dry.当地官员则表示情况并没有那么糟糕。这里有学校、游戏室和医疗中心,红十字会还提供旧衣。居住环境可能有些拥挤,但至少温暖而干燥。The camp is also, on one level, a propaganda tool.在某种层面上,班贝格移民营也是个宣传工具。“People come to Germany thinking they’ll get hundreds of euros, a plot of land, work,” says Stefan Krug, of the government of Upper Franconia, who is responsible for the site. “This facility should help to convey to the Balkan countries a realistic image of Germany.”上弗兰肯区政府的斯特凡克鲁格(Stefan Krug)是这里的负责人,他说:“来德国的人以为会获得几百欧元,一块土地,还有工作。这个营地应该有助于向巴尔干国家传递德国的现实形象。”Critics say that image is deliberately distorted. “It’s a system of deterrence, segregation, ghettoisation, which I thought wasn’t possible any more in Germany,” says Sylvia Schaible, who works in a local refugee charity.批评者则表示这是一个被故意歪曲的形象。当地一家难民慈善组织的工作人员西尔维亚餠伊布勒(Sylvia Schaible)说:“这是一种吓阻、隔离、贫民窟话的体制,而我曾经以为这种体制不再可能在德国出现。”Every new arrival at the facility is registered and interviewed by an official from Germany’s federal agency for migration, known as a “decider”. Those who have their asylum request rejected can appeal. If that fails, their case is handed to a government agency that arranges their return home. It used to take months to process asylum applications: Bamberg aims to get that down to around 10 working days. So far, no one at the camp has been allowed to stay in Germany.每一个新进入这座移民营的人都要去登记,并接受德国联邦移民署一名官员——所谓的“裁决者”——的面试。避难申请被拒的人可以提出上诉,如上诉失败,他们的案子会被移交给一个政府机构,由其安排他们的遣返事宜。过去处理避难申请需要几个月时间,班贝格移民营的目标是将这一时长缩短至10个工作日左右。到目前为止,班贝格移民营还没有一人获准留在德国。Mr Krug acknowledges that the mood in the camp is “pretty glum”.负责人克鲁格承认班贝格移民营的气氛“相当阴沉”。“People know why they’ve been sent here, and that it is highly likely they will get a negative decision,” he says.他说:“人们知道自己为什么被送到这里,而且他们极有可能得到一个负面的决定。”Since the camp was opened in September, 463 residents have voluntarily returned home and 170 have been deported. The plan is to expand capacity to 1,500 by the end of the year and to 4,500 by next March. Germany will ultimately have as many as five such camps.班贝格移民营自9月成立以来,已有463人自愿回国,170人被递解出境。该移民营计划至今年底将容量扩到1500人,明年3月扩大至4500人。德国最终将设立5个这样的移民营。Raif Zelenkovic, a 20-something Bosnian from Tuzla, is bracing himself for bad news. Unlike most residents of the Bamberg camp he speaks fluent German — he spent six years here as a child in the 1990s, but his family then moved back to the Balkans. He returned to Germany last January — a country he considers home.20多岁的波斯尼亚人拉伊夫泽伦科威克(Raif Zelenkovic)来自图兹拉(Tuzla),他已经为坏消息做好了准备。与班贝格移民营里大多数人不同,他会说一口流利的德语,上世纪90年代他还是孩子时曾在德国生活过6年,后来他们一家又搬回巴尔干地区。今年1月他又回到德国,他认为这里才是自己的故乡。“All I want is to be able to work here, I don’t want benefits,” he says. “I just want to be like other people. I need a future.”他说:“我唯一想要的就是能在这儿工作,我并不想要福利。我只想像其他人一样,我需要一个未来。” /201601/419730历下区妇幼保健站预约四维彩超 Fran#231;ois Fillon, the surprise frontrunner in the race for France’s centre-right presidential nomination, first attracted international attention — and caused domestic consternation — with a fit of French bashing.令人意外地赢得了法国中右翼阵营总统候选人提名的弗朗索瓦.菲永(Fran#231;ois Fillon),首次吸引国际社会的关注——并震惊国内——是因为对法国的批评。On a trip to Corsica, shortly after his appointment as Nicolas Sarkozy’s prime minister in 2007, he was lending an ear to the grievances of local farmers seeking subsidies when he interjected: I am at the helm of a state that’s in a position of bankruptcy, financially. 菲永在2007年被任命为尼古拉.萨科齐(Nicolas Sarkozy)的总理之后不久视察了科西嘉岛,他在倾听当地农民希望政府提供补贴的抱怨时称:I am at the helm of a state that for 15 years has been in chronic deficit. 我管理着一个15年来赤字不断的国家,I am at the helm of a state that has not once passed a balanced budget in 25 years. 我管理着一个财政上处于破产境地的国家,我管理着一个25年来预算从未平衡过的国家。This can’t go on.这种状况不能继续下去了。This was an unlikely outburst from a man whose demeanour suggests what the French think of as British phlegm — perhaps inspired by his Welsh wife Penelope — rather than Latin volubility. 这不太可能是菲永的一时冲动之语,他的言行举止表明他身上有种法国人眼中英国人的矜持寡言——或许是受到其威尔士妻子佩内洛普(Penelope)的影响——而不是拥有雄辩的口才。The comments triggered a furore in Mr Fillon’s camp and were met a few weeks later by a public presidential put-down. 这些言论在菲永阵营引发轩然,几个星期后总统公开出面安抚。This was only the start of a tough, and at times humiliating, five-year term for Mr Fillon, during which time he earned the epithet Mr Nobody.这只是菲永艰难、有时颜面尽失的5年任期的开始——他在任期间得到了无名先生的绰号。Yet Mr Fillon, an alpinist and amateur racing driver who is a fan of the 24-hour sports car race in his home town of Le Mans, did not quit — and still stands by his words. 然而菲永并没有退出政坛,而且仍然坚持自己的言论。菲永喜欢登山运动,他还是一名业余赛车手,是其家乡勒芒24小时赛车比赛的拥趸。The 62-year-old political insider, who has held several ministerial jobs during a four-decade career, says the Corsican episode crystallised his growing concern over France’s economic decline.这位现年62岁的政治老手表示,科西嘉风波突显出他对法国经济低迷的日益担忧。菲永在40年的政治生涯中担任过多个部长职位。Even though speaking of ‘bankruptcy’ was not conventional, what I expressed was, for me, a matter of common sense, he writes in his book, Faire.他在自己所著的《行动》(Faire)一书中写道:尽管谈论‘破产’不同寻常,但对我来说,我表达的是常识。This straight-talking style has resonated with a French electorate that is shifting to the right and helped him surge to a comfortable lead in the first round of the centre-right primary. 这种直言不讳的风格与转向右翼的法国选民形成共鸣,并帮助菲永在中右翼阵营初选第一轮中轻松领先。The main casualty of Mr Fillon’s swelling support was Mr Sarkozy, who was knocked out of the contest, and with it frontline politics. 菲永持率大增的主要受害者是如今已被淘汰出局的萨科奇,后者也随之被踢出政治最前沿。Voters also dealt a severe blow to the erstwhile favourite Alain Juppé, another former prime minister, who finished second with 28 per cent of the votes.曾受到选民钟爱的候选人——另一位前总理阿兰.朱佩(Alain Juppé)也遭受沉重打击,他在第一轮中以28%的选票居于第二。In an echo of the anti-establishment wave that took Donald Trump to the White House, the provincial bourgeoisie in France has sought to send a message to the Parisian liberal elite that supported gay marriage legislation in 2013. 与促使唐纳德.特朗普(Donald Trump)入主白宫的反建制浪潮相呼应,法国的地方中产阶级寻求向2013年持同性恋婚姻立法的巴黎自由派精英传递信号。It has mobilised on behalf of a Gaullist and practising Catholic father of five who, they think, will best defend conservative values, contain immigration and restore France’s standing abroad.他们团结在菲永周围行动起来,他们相信,信奉戴高乐主义、育有5个子女的虔诚天主教教徒菲永将最好地捍卫传统价值观,控制移民并恢复法国在海外的地位。Fillon is at the centre of gravity of the traditional right, Pascal Perrineau, a professor at Sciences Po, says. 巴黎政治学院(Sciences-Po)教授帕斯卡尔.佩里诺(Pascal Perrineau)表示:菲永是传统右翼的核心人物。They are normally a quiet bunch, but they have woken up with the gay marriage law.他们通常是一群安静的家伙,同性恋婚姻法的颁布促使他们警醒。If these voters confirm their support in a second round of voting on Sunday, France will come closer to having its own Margaret Thatcher moment. 这些选民在周日的第二轮投票中实了他们的持,法国离拥有自己的玛格丽特.撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)时刻更近了一步。Like the former British premier, Mr Fillon is far from being an EU enthusiast and favours economic shock therapy, vowing to cut 500,000 civil service jobs and reduce the welfare state to fund EURO50bn in tax breaks for companies.与撒切尔夫人一样,菲永对欧盟不感兴趣,并且青睐经济休克疗法,承诺削减50万个公务员职位,并降低福利以便为企业减税500亿欧元提供资金。A free-market revolution would be a novelty in France, a nation built on the idea of a strong state and which is prone to periodic labour unrest. 在以强势政府思想为基础和时不时爆发劳工骚乱的法国,自由市场变革不同寻常。But a significant portion of the rightwing electorate now believes that previous attempts to save the eurozone’s second-largest economy from decline have failed.但一大部分右翼选民现在相信,之前让这个欧元区第二大经济体免于衰落的努力失败了。I thought for a long time that the country was difficult to reform, Mr Fillon told the Financial Times in Paris earlier this month. 菲永本月早些时候在巴黎向英国《金融时报》表示:我长期以来一直认为,法国很难变革。But if you show strong determination to the unions, if you use the presidential election to debate those measures and if you implement them quickly after being elected, it’s feasible.但如果你向工会展现出强烈的决心,如果你利用总统大选来辩论那些措施,并且在当选后迅速实施它们,那么变革是可行的。Polls suggest that, as the centre-right’s candidate, he would be well placed to qualify for the presidential runoff next year given the unpopularity of President Fran#231;ois Hollande. 民调显示,鉴于法国现任总统弗朗索瓦.奥朗德(Fran#231;ois Hollande)的人气极低,作为中右翼候选人的菲永很有可能获得参加明年大选第二轮的资格。He would in all likelihood face Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front, and would probably beat her.届时菲永很有可能与极右翼的国民阵线(National Front)领导人马琳.勒庞(Marine Le Pen)展开角逐,他有望击败勒庞。 /201611/480548Students at the University of Washington were offered a new course last month, entitled Calling Bullshit In the Age of Big Data. For the past couple of decades, week in and week out, I have been calling bullshit for this publication, and so was delighted to hear my favourite pastime had made it into academia.上个月,华盛顿大学(University of Washington)开了一门新课,名为《在大数据时代拆穿胡扯》(Calling Bullshit In the Age of Big Data)。过去三十多年,我每周都在这个专栏里拆穿胡扯,因此听说这种我最喜欢的消遣打入了学术界,我很高兴。While this course is limited to spotting bullshit in numbers, there is an equal need for one spotting it in words, especially words used in business. What follows is an outline for a rival course aimed to fill that gap.尽管这门课程仅限于发现数字上的胡扯,但发现用词(特别是商界的用词)上的胡扯也同样必要。以下是我为一门旨在填补这一空白的与之竞争的课程拟出的概要。It starts with a definition: bullshit means nonsense, usually of a puffed-up variety that pretends to be something it is not. Sharp eyes will spot at once the difficulty in applying this to corporate life — almost everything fits the description. Before I have even got inside my office I have tripped over a yellow plastic sign saying “Caution Wet Floor” — bullshit because usually the floor is not wet, and if it were, the picture of someone falling spectacularly is wildly overdoing it.先从定义开始:胡扯意味着废话,通常夸大其词、装模作样。目光敏锐者会立刻发现,这一定义很难应用于企业生活——几乎所有事都符合这一描述。还没走进办公室,我就发现了一块黄色的塑料牌,上面写着“小心地面湿滑”(Caution Wet Floor)——这是胡扯,因为地面通常并不湿滑,即使地面确实湿滑,但牌子上画的一个人四仰八叉地摔倒在地的样子也太夸张了。The first rule about calling corporate bullshit is not to do it too assiduously or you will go insane. I have learnt to ignore 95 per cent of it, and of the remainder ask myself two questions: what is the quality? And: how damaging is it?在企业里拆穿胡扯的第一原则是,别太认真,否则你会疯掉。我已经学会忽略95%的胡扯,对于剩余的那些,我会问自己两个问题:品质如何?以及破坏性有多大?I have gone through dozens of examples of bullshit that have come my way in the past couple of days and picked three that are worth calling. The first is a branding document produced for a new Pepsi logo in 2008, and resuscitated last week on Twitter. With diagrams comparing the Earth’s magnetic fields to “Pepsi energy fields” and text that s: “The Pepsi DNA finds its origin in the dynamic of perimeter oscillations” — it is grade A, unadulterated BS. But on the second question — whether it was damaging — the answer is no. Pepsi changed its logo and carried on selling its brown sugar-water around the world willy-nilly.过去几天,我见识了数十个胡扯的例子,并挑出了3个值得拆穿的。第一个是2008年为百事(Pepsi)新标志所做的品牌文案,最近在Twitter上重新流传开来。文案中用示意图把地球磁场与“百事能量场”相比,配以文字:“百事在边缘震荡的动力学中找到了其DNA的起源(The Pepsi DNA finds its origin in the dynamic of perimeter oscillations)”——这是A级,纯粹的胡扯。但是在第二个问题上——是否具有破坏性——是否定的。百事改了标志,继续随心所欲地在全世界卖它的棕色甜饮料。Even so, bullshit like this deserves to be called both for its exceptional quality, and because doing so might encourage its perpetrators to have a dark night of the soul in which they wonder what on earth they are up to.即便如此,这样的胡扯也值得拆穿,因为它“令人叫绝”的品质,也因为拆穿它可能会促使它的炮制者在深夜拷问灵魂,反思自己到底要干嘛。Exhibit two is a document from Deliveroo on its preferred language for describing the poor sods who cycle round with other people’s smelly takeaways on their backs. The memo bans “employees”, replacing it with “independent suppliers”, and forbids “pay” and “hiring” preferring “invoices” and “onboarding” instead.第二个例子是Deliveroo的一份文件,它在文件中列出了自己倾向于用哪些字眼来形容那些骑着车、背着气味浓重的外卖包到处送外卖的可怜人。这份文件禁止使用“雇员”一词,代之以“独立供应商”;禁止使用“薪水”和“雇佣”这两个词,而倾向于用“发票”和“登船”替代。On the quality measure this bullshit is tame. “Independent supplier” and “invoice” are innocuous, and “onboarding”, though regrettable as a gerund, especially with no boat in sight, is so common there is little point in protesting. But on the measure of harm, Deliveroo’s memo is wicked. It knows that if people used the ordinary words “employee” and “hire”, they might make the mistake of thinking they were due ordinary things like holidays and sick pay — which Deliveroo doggedly denies them.就品质而言,这条胡扯平淡无奇。“独立供应商”和“发票”无伤大雅;至于“登船”,尽管这个词令人遗憾地是个动名词(尤其是在语境跟船毫无关系的情况下),但这个词那么普通,抗议它根本没有什么意义。但就破坏性而言,Deliveroo的文件是不道德的。它知道如果人们使用了“雇员”和“雇佣”这类普通词汇,他们可能会错以为自己有权享有假期和病假这些普通的福利——这是Deliveroo坚决否认的。The third example comes from Jim Norton, who has the delightfully bullshitty title of chief business officer, president of revenue at Condé Nast. Last week he outlined his new strategy to all staff in a memo that began “Team” and proceeded with a stream of corporate nonsense about playbooks and journeys and wide arrays of differentiated solutions. It glossed over sackings as “hard personnel decisions”, only to declare the new corporate plan: “Condé Nast One”.第3个例子来自吉姆?诺顿(Jim Norton),他在康泰纳仕出版集团(Condé Nast)的头衔荒谬到令人发笑——首席业务官、营收总裁。不久前,他在发给全体员工的备忘录中概述了他的新策略,备忘录中以“团队”开头,继而展开了一连串有关剧本和旅程的企业废话以及大量差异化解决方案。它把解雇包装成了“艰难的人事决策”,只为了宣布新的企业计划:“康泰纳仕同舟共济”(Condé Nast One)。For companies to claim themselves “one” is standard bullshit — it is a cliché and a lie, given the inevitable number of vested interests in any organisation. If Mr Norton were in the motor trade or banking, I might let this pass. Yet Condé Nast publishes Vanity Fair and The New Yorker, where standards of editing are so exacting that one of the latter’s editors has written a whole book based on the correct placement of a comma.对于企业来说,自称“同舟”是标准的胡扯——鉴于任何组织中都不可避免地存在一些既得利益,这么说既老套、也是谎言。如果诺顿在汽车业或业,我可能放他一马。但康泰纳仕是《名利场》(Vanity Fair)和《纽约客》(The New Yorker)的出版商,其编辑标准如此严苛,以至于《纽约客》的一名编辑就插入逗号的正确位置写了整整一本书。Mr Norton may well bang on about the “heritage of quality journalism”, but had he asked his staff to edit his battle cry: “We will all transition this business together”, they would surely have told him transition was ugly as a verb, but as a transitive one was a monster. He did not ask; what his staff did instead was the memo, call it, and forward it to me.诺顿完全可以继续大谈“高质量新闻的传统”,但要是他在备忘录发出前让员工编辑了一下他的战斗口号——“我们所有人将一起转型这家企业”——的话,他们必然会告诉他,把转型用作动词就够糟糕了,用作及物动词简直就是灾难。可惜他没有问;于是他的员工阅读了这篇备忘录,心里暗骂胡扯,然后转发给了我。 /201704/505393中国人民解放军456医院妇科体检

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济南人流预约The reform of the housing registration, or hukou system, has been under way in most regions in China following the State Council#39;s call to establish a unified household registration system for urban and rural residents in a document issued in 2014.继国务院2014年发布一份文件提出建立城乡统一的户口登记制度之后,落户限制(或称户籍制度)改革已经在中国大部分省市开展起来。To date, 29 province-level regions, apart from Beijing and the Tibet autonomous region, have unveiled official plans on the reform of the housing registration system, according to China News Service. The plans have in general phased out the so-called urban and rural hukou and replaced them with more general terms such as residential hukou, family hukou, or collective hukou.据中新网报道,截止目前为止,除北京和西藏自治区外,全国共有29个省份已经出台了户籍制度改革的具体方案。在这些方案中,基本都用更常见的术语如居民户口、家庭户口或者集体户口取代所谓的城市和农村户口。In mega cities such as Shanghai, Chengdu, Wuhan and Xi#39;an, point-based hukou policies are prevalent. The policies, despite their variance in different places, generally take into account the factors of the legitimacy of a person#39;s job and residence, insurance and a fixed number of years he or she has lived in the city.在上海、成都、武汉和西安这样的特大城市,积分落户政策非常盛行。尽管在不同地方这个政策会有些许差异,但主要都是参考一个人的合法就业、合法住所、社保缴纳以及在该市的连续居住年限。According to the proposals of the State Council, China should fully liberalize household registration in townships and small cities. Some provinces have adopted more relaxed measures. Southwest China#39;s Sichuan province, for instance, extends the application of this policy to big and midsized cities. Guizhou, also in Southwest China, plans to remove the hukou restrictions in midsized cities, as well as in townships and small cities.根据国务院的户籍改革意见,中国要全面放开乡镇和小城市落户限制。一些省份引入了更为宽松的政策。比如中国西南部的四川省,就提出了全面放开大中小城市落户限制;同样在西南部的贵州省,则计划取消中小城市和乡镇的落户限制。According to the State Council, big cities should not require more than five years of social security payment for hukou applicants. The time limit has been shorted in some provinces.另外,根据国务院的意见,大城市不应对户口申请者要求超过5年的社会保险要求。一些省份甚至还缩短了这个年限。Central China#39;s Henan province, for instance, requires two years of payment for the most, while East China#39;s Anhui province, requires a maximum three years of such payment. The Inner Mongolia autonomous region scrapped the requirements on social security payment for Hohhot and Baotou cities to relax local hukou access.比如中部的河南省,将此要求缩短为两年,东部的安徽省要求不得超过3年。而内蒙古自治区的呼和浩特市和包头市取消了城镇社会保险落户的条件,以放宽户口准入条件。 /201605/442581 Beijing’s stimulus plan for the Chinese car market helped October motor vehicle sales to grow at their fastest pace in 10 months, driven by a tax cut on small cars.在中国政府对中国汽车市场的刺激性计划帮助下,由于小型汽车减税措施的带动,10月份的汽车销量出现了10个月来的最快增长。Chinese car buyers have been holding back on purchases of big-ticket items such as cars, while consumer spending on other items remained strong on the mainland, which today celebrated another record “single’s day” shopping holiday.中国汽车买主近来对于买入汽车之类的高价商品有点迟疑——尽管中国内地对其他商品的消费出依然十分强劲。今天,中国内地欢庆了又一个创纪录的“光棍节”购物节日。However, the industry has seen some signs of recovery in recent months, with October motor vehicle sales rising 11.8 per cent year-on-year, to 2.2m vehicles, according to the state-backed China Association of Automobile Manufacturers. This was an acceleration from the 2.1 per cent pace recorded in September.不过,最近几个月汽车业已出现了部分复苏的迹象。根据政府持的中国汽车工业协会(China Association of Automobile Manufacturers)的数据,10月份汽车销量同比增长11.8%,达到220万辆。这一增幅高于9月份录得的2.1%。Sales of sport utility vehicles, the fastest-growing segment and a car popular with the rapidly growing middle class, rose more than 60 per cent in October over the same month a year ago.运动型多功能车(SUV)的销量增长最快,这种车在快速壮大的中产阶层中极受欢迎。今年10月,这种车的销量同比增长逾60%。Bill Russo, a motor industry consultant in Shanghai, said: “There’s a bounce because of the tax reduction and... has been a trend, even in the slowdown period, of high growth in SUVs, particularly recently launched vehicles in that category are doing quite well.”驻上海的汽车业咨询师比尔拉索(Bill Russo)表示:“之所以会出现反弹,一方面是由于减税……另一方面是由于,即使是在放缓的时期,SUV也存在高速增长的趋势,特别是最近推出的此类车型销售非常好。” /201511/409655济南市立二院咨询专线山东省地矿医院好不好

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