原标题: 抚顺带节育环要多少钱飞管家好医生
This Week in Michigan Politics, Michigan Radios senior news analyst Jack Lessenberry and Morning Edition host Christina Shockley discuss the first female mayor of Grand Rapids, this weeks elections, accusations of racism against Gov. Snyder and Detroit emergency managers, the number of college degrees among Michigan lawmakers.Grand Rapids is in on BlissTuesday was the August primary election and Grand Rapids elected the citys first female mayor. Lessenberry says new Mayor Rosalynn Bliss not only has an impressive personal story, she is currently quite popular. But given the citys own share of problems, who knows if it will stay that way, he says.And now, the rest of the raceWhen it comes to the rest of the election, Lessenberry says most of the renewal millages passed, but those asking for new millage money were not so lucky.Calling it a ;mixed bag,; Lessenberry says people are willing to keep paying the current taxes, but are reluctant to add any new items.A kitchen sink lawsuitGov. Rick Snyder and emergency managers are being accused of discriminating against black children by members of the Detroit Public School Board. The board says Snyder and the managers have created a separate and unequal education system and they have filed a federal civil rights case.Lessenberry says the Detroit school board has indeed been disempowered, but the lawsuit isnt just about discrimination.;Part of this is theyre trying to get people to remember they still exist,; says Lessenberry. ;Theyre trying to get attention.;Lessenberry says although the board is using the ;kitchen sink; method and suing for everything they can think of, some charges are credible. However, Lessenberry says the idea that the state is discriminating by creating an all-black school district is ;a bit absurd; because the school district itself is mainly an all-black population.Where did you go to school?One out of five Michigan lawmakers do not have a college degree, which isnt too surprising to Lessenberry. Lessenberry says a minority of adults in Michigan have a college degree; so the real question becomes how much does the piece of paper matter?Researchers say the paper isnt as important as the experience of going to college, Lessenberry explains.;So it may be a question of how great your life experience is,; he says. ;How broad your outlook is, and how many intellectual resources you have rather than paper degrees.;Michigan Radio Newsroom - Cheyna Roth201508/390931As more of the nations attention is focused on police shootings, more police departments are putting body-worn cameras on their officers.The idea is to improve relations and trust between police and the community.But bodycams raise some sticky questions about balancing transparency and respecting privacy.Here in Michigan, the American Civil Liberties Union has been asked to analyze the privacy issues surrounding bodycams and develop model policy to help address some of these concerns.Rodd Monts is with the Michigan ACLU. He tells us that while the ACLU doesnt know exactly how many body cameras are in use by officers in Michigan and across the country, their use has greatly increased in the last few years.Monts tells us the ACLU generally considers bodycams to be a win-win solution for both law enforcement and civilians.;It provides that level of accountability and monitoring when it comes to police/civilian interactions, and on the polices end, it provides them an opportunity to collect information on those interactions in cases where they may be alleged to have engaged in misconduct and have that not be the case,; he says.While bodycams offer great promise in the form of transparency and accountability, Monts tells us they do raise some concerns.;Technology usually outpaces policy,; he says. ;The cameras are a great device, but without appropriate policy and practice there is the specter of potential misuse and or abuse.;The ACLU is calling for policies that clearly indicate when officers should be using the cameras, how the collected data is stored, how officers can effectively communicate to individuals they encounter that they are being recorded, ;particularly when it comes to an officer entering a private home as opposed to being involved in a police chase,; Monts says.When it comes to monitoring potential police misconduct, Monts says bodycams are only part of the equation, pointing to other factors including officer training, implicit bias and cultural competency.Monts tells us there are a few pieces of legislation that have been introduced in Lansing that would provide some oversight regarding the cameras use and data collection. Among them is House Bill 4234, which would exempt police audio or recordings taken in private places from being accessible under the Freedom of Information Act.In its model policy, the ACLU recommends that bodycam footage be kept for six months.Monts explains that many people who support this technology want to hold on to that footage in perpetuity, ;even if that footage that has no material value or evidentiary value,; a policy that the ACLU rejects due to concerns of both privacy and practicality.;We have a problem with mass surveillance,; Monts says. ;We dont have a problem with capturing and reviewing that after a shift is concluded, deleting the that has no value, and retaining any of criminal activity for as long as it is needed as evidence, but other than that were not in support of maintaining data for undetermined periods of time.;Indefinite data storage has also gotten some pushback from some police agencies complaining of the costs associated with storing a lot of data for a long time.;If you are determined to maintain only that data that could be potential evidence, then youre going to have a lower cost of data storage,; Monts says.Monts tells us the ACLU believes that bodycam footage should be available under FOIA, but recognizes that ;the issue is complicated,; especially with regard to recording in private residences.Rodd Monts tells us more about the ACLUs stance on bodycams and recommendations for their use in our conversation above.201603/431610

Lexington莱克星顿Paying fealty to farmers向农民们表忠When Ted Cruz is the only person talking sense, something is wrong当只有特德·克鲁兹在理时,事情就有鬼了。A FEW years ago, while reporting on the madness that is European farm subsidies, this columnist came up with a “Richard Scarry” rule of politics. Most politicians hate to confront any profession or industry that routinely appears in childrens books (such as those penned by the late Mr Scarry). This gives outsize power to such folk as farmers, fishermen, doctors, firemen or—to cite a fine work in the Scarry canon—to firms that build Cars and Trucks and Things That Go. The rule is seldom good news for taxpayers, and there is a logic to that too: picture books rarely show people handing over fistfulls of money to the government.几年前,当莱克星顿专栏报道欧洲农作物补贴的疯狂时,曾经提出过理查德·斯凯瑞政治定律,即,多数政客都不愿意招惹一般会出现在童话书里的职业或产业,就如斯凯瑞曾写过的那些。这给了诸如农民、渔民、医生、消防员和制造汽车卡车等交通工具的公司(这在斯凯瑞的书里是一个很棒的职业)过大的权利。这一定律对纳税人来说弊大于利,毕竟,图画书很少画出人们给政府送钱的场面。The Scarry rule was tested afresh on March 7th at the inaugural “Iowa Ag Summit”, a campaign-style forum for politicians pondering White House runs in 2016. Reflecting Iowas clout as host of the first caucuses of the presidential election cycle, the summit lured nine putative candidates, all of them Republicans. Democrats were also invited, but declined. Such grandees as Jeb Bush, a former governor of Florida, Governor Scott Walker of Wisconsin and Governor Chris Christie of New Jersey took turns to sit on a dais beside a shiny green tractor, to tell an audience of corn (maize) growers, pork-producers and hundreds of reporters how much they love farmers.在3月7日的爱荷华州农业峰会开幕式上,这个定律再次被验。爱荷华州农业峰会是一个竞选性质的论坛,主要供政客思考白宫在2016年的运转。作为总统竞选圈内第一次党团会议的举办地,爱荷华州充分发挥了其影响力,推选出了9名候选人,9人均为共和党。民主党也在邀请之列,但他们拒绝出席。佛罗里达州前州长杰布·布什、威斯康星州州长斯考特·沃克和新泽西州州长克里斯·克里斯帝等政要轮流坐在讲台上,旁边是一台闪闪发亮的绿色拖拉机。他们告诉听众里的玉米种植者、猪肉养殖者和上百名记者,他们有多爱农民。The gathering was an unprecedented show of strength by the farm lobby. Rather than wait for journalists to tease out candidates positions over months on the campaign trail, the nine Republicans were each quizzed on stage for 20 minutes by the summits organiser, Bruce Rastetter, an Iowa ethanol and pork magnate. His most pointed questions concerned the Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS), a federal mandate which obliges oil firms to blend billions of gallons of ethanol into vehicle fuel each year. Most of that ethanol is made from corn, in a process of questionable value to the environment, though a newer type made from stuff like corn stalks is better for the planet and for people in poor countries who eat corn or feed it to animals.该次机会展现了农业游说团体前所未有的魄力。选民们不必再在长达数月的竞选中,等待记者探出候选人的立场,这一次,9名候选人在台上就接受了20分钟的提问,提问者是峰会的组织者布鲁斯·拉斯泰特,他是一名爱荷华乙醇和猪肉业巨头。他所提出的问题中,最值得注意的是关于可再生燃料标准(RFS)的,根据该项联邦法令的规定,石油公司在为机动车提供燃料时,每年要加入数以亿计加仑乙醇,而这部分乙醇大多数是来自玉米,但加工过程对环境的利弊尚且很难说,此外,用玉米杆等材料生产乙醇的新方式对地球其实更有好处,对贫穷国家以玉米为食物或饲料的人们来说也更合理。Taking a stance on the RFS is a nightmare for ambitious Republicans. Boosters insist that ethanol has created 73,000 jobs in Iowa, and many more across the electorally important Midwest. They declare that every barrel distilled means less oil bought from foreign regimes that hate America. The corn lobby adds that recent doubts over the future of ethanol as have hit farm incomes and cost jobs, including at Iowa tractor factories. Governor Terry Branstad of Iowa, who calls the Ag Summit a “bold and brilliant” way to educate presidential candidates about farming, notes that agriculture was booming during the 2008 and 2012 elections, and so was not much discussed. Now, amid falling prices, he calls farmers “genuinely fearful”.对立场暧昧的共和党来说,就可再生燃料标准站队简直堪称噩梦。持者坚称,乙醇产业在爱荷华州创造了73,000个就业机会,在重要的选举去中西部甚至创造的更多。他们还说,每多提取出一桶燃料,就可以少向那些憎恨美国的国家买一桶石油。玉米游说团体补充道,近期对乙醇未来在能源中所占比重的猜疑打击了农产品收入,造成了失业,包括爱荷华州的拖拉机工厂也遭受打击。爱荷华州州长特里·布兰斯塔德把这次农业峰会称为教会总统候选人农业知识的一个“大胆而聪明的方式”,他说,2008-2012竞选期间正值农业繁荣期,因此被鲜少提及。而如今,面对下跌的物价,他说农民们“真的怕了”。However, the RFS is a glaring example of Big Government meddling. It is awkward, to put it mildly, for a small-government conservative to favour rules that force Americans to buy more of something than they want. For, adding to Republicans pain, the RFS is resented by the oil industry, which makes good money by blending a bit of ethanol into petrol but loathes plans to make it add a lot more.但可再生燃料标准是一个大政府干预的例子。有些条例强迫美国人不顾自身意愿过多消费,对于赞成这些条例的小政府保守党来说,说得好听一点,是有些尴尬的。因为正如共和党的痛脚,可再生燃料标准在石油产业中并不讨喜,将少量乙醇混入汽油他们能赚大钱,但添加再多乙醇,他们就不开心了。Most Republicans at the Ag Summit tried to have it both ways. They poured noisy scorn on federal regulation and loudly declared their faith in free markets. They expressed confidence that farmers, not bureaucrats, know best how to manage the land. This was the cue for some corny reminisce. “Ive sat on the end of a turnrow and watched a wheat crop be lost to a hailstorm,” sighed Rick Perry, a former governor of Texas and farmers son. Mr Bush noted that Florida had lots of citrus farms. Asked whether he backs rules that would label all produce by country of origin, he managed to woo Christians, Iowans and Hispanics in a single answer, and all while presenting himself as a family-loving Everyman. The day after the Ag Summit would find him at a Publix supermarket after church, shopping for “Sunday Fun Day” at his Florida home, explained Mr Bush, whose wife is Mexican. Iowa beef would be on the and his own special guacamole, and “I want to know where that avocado is from.”农业峰会上,多数共和党都想既顾此,又不失彼。他们大声谴责联邦规定,并摆明他们对自由市场的信心。他们充满信心地表示,最了解如何管理土地的是农民而非官僚,这引出了一些人埋藏久远的记忆。德克萨斯州前州长里克·佩里是一个农民之子,他叹息道:“我曾经坐在一个洞穴里,眼睁睁地看着一场冰雹毁掉了小麦。”杰布·布什还提到佛罗里达有很多柑橘农场。当被问及他是否持将农产品标明产地的规定时,他成功地用一个同时对基督徒、爱荷华州人和西班牙裔美国人示好—他说,他的妻子是墨西哥人,所以在农业峰会之后,他会在去教堂之后来到大众超市,为他在佛罗里达的家里度过“快乐的周日”而采购。Then seven of the nine murmured that the RFS was the law and so should be enforced, or should be preserved for a while to give farmers certainty as they plant crops. Market forces would ultimately prevail, said Mr Bush delicately, so that farmers might not need the RFS after 2022 “or somewhere in the future”. This pandering marked a timely shift for some. Mr Walker used to denounce ethanol mandates with a passion, calling them “central planning” and “fundamentally wrong”. But the Wisconsin governor, whose fortunes have been surging of late, can ill-afford to alienate a next-door state like Iowa, full of pious, thrifty midwestern conservatives in his image. So Mr Walker told the Ag Summit that he is willing to see the RFS continue, at least for now.9名候选人中,有7个人声势较弱地表示,可再生燃料标准毕竟是法律,应该被遵守,或起码保留一段时间,让农民在种玉米的时候心里有底。而布什先生微妙地说,市场的力量最终会发挥作用的,因此在2022或未来的某个时候,农民也许将不再需要可再生燃料标准。这般迎合言论对某些人来说标志着适时的转变。斯考特·沃克曾极力谴责乙醇法令,称其为“中心控制”,是“根本错误”的。但威斯康星的州长近日好运连连,他不能疏远邻州爱荷华,在他的计划里,该州充满了虔诚节约的中西部保守党。因此沃克在农业峰会上说,起码暂时来说,他愿意看到可再生燃料标准保留下来。Patrick Pig at the trough饲料槽前的帕特里克猪The pandering is bipartisan: ethanol backers cheered reports that Hillary Clinton has recruited an aide to Tom Vilsack, the agriculture secretary and a former Iowa governor, to run her campaign in the state. Yet the pandering is not universal. Mr Perry did not explicitly endorse the RFS. His fellow-Texan, Senator Ted Cruz, told Iowans that he opposes it, explaining his conviction that “Washington should not be picking winners and losers.”这种迎合奉承在两党中都存在。希拉里·克林顿为农业部长汤姆·维尔萨克招来一名助手和一名前爱荷华州长来运行她在该州的竞选,消息一出,就引来乙醇法持者的欢呼。但这种迎合并不普遍。里克·佩里实际上还没有明确认可可再生燃料标准。他属下的一名德克萨斯州参议员特德·克鲁兹对爱荷华人说,他反对该项标准,因为“华盛顿不应该一手定胜负。”Mr Cruz is betting that political dynamics are changing. The Ag Summit showed the farm lobbys strength but also its vulnerability: a truly confident industry would not even ask candidates to declare their fealty, almost a year ahead of the first presidential caucus. In 2000 Senator John McCain simply skipped Iowa, because he opposed ethanol subsidies. Today, the shrink-the-government right is more confrontational. Mr Cruz sensed a political advantage in flying to Iowa to sit beside a tractor telling farmers that they are wrong to want federal help. The coming months will reveal if he is right, or if the Scarry rule remains in force.克鲁兹是在赌,政治风向已经变了。农业峰会在展示农业游说团体实力的同时,也展示了其脆弱性—一个真正有自信的产业,是不会在第一次总统竞选党会开始一年前,就让候选人表忠的。2000年时,约翰·麦凯恩仅仅因为反对对乙醇进行补贴就放弃了爱荷华州。如今,对是否要减小政府权力的讨论更加如火如荼。克鲁兹认为,飞去爱荷华州,坐在拖拉机旁,告诉农民们,他们想要寻求联邦帮助的想法是错的这一举动,会带来政治优势。未来的几个月里将见,究竟他是对的,还是斯凯瑞定律的地位仍牢不可催。 翻译:杨雪 校对:靳方方 译文属译生译世 /201503/366522听力参考文本:The Next IdeaClimate change presents one of the biggest problems we have ever faced. It is literally as large as our planet. We must take action to address it or its consequences will intensify, growing more costly and increasingly affecting us all.Fortunately, we know what to do—transition to cleaner sources of energy to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels. Quickly.In the electricity sector, this means rapidly tapping into renewable energy resources like wind and solar on a grand scale.Although this shift requires big investments in our energy infrastructure, it is completely feasible with the technology we have now.Michigan is no exception.The state currently gets nearly 60% of its electricity from fossil fuels and emits more than 60 million tons of carbon from its electric power plants annually. Meanwhile, it is home to robust wind and solar resources that could replace most, if not all, of that fossil-fuel-fired electricity—resources that remain largely untapped.Tackling environmental problems is typically a one-track approach. Government regulations establish limits for pollution based on a balance of science and economics.The EPAs Clean Power Plan does this for carbon emissions from existing power plants, which are some of the largest contributors to climate change. States also have minimum standards to encourage utilities to invest in renewable energy.Michigans standard currently requires utilities to achieve 10% renewable energy annually.We need both of these, and they need to be stronger. But we also need more. We need large-scale, rapid, and voluntary investment by the private sector. We need the private sector to see investments in renewable energy as wise ones. And we need the private sectors capital and ingenuity to make the switch to renewable energy quick, effective, and economically beneficial.So how do we leverage private investment to solve a public problem?We make renewable energy investments profitable and low-risk—a no-brainer.So whats the Next Idea?The idea is to use public funds, not for direct incentives or subsidies, but in partnership with private capital, to make smart investments in renewable energy resources.By ;smart,; I mean projects that are both profitable and that measurably reduce climate-changing emissions.These types of programs are generally referred to as ;green banks.;This isnt an entirely new idea. Green banks are aly operated on a small scale, often to drive investments in energy efficiency, in several states including Michigan. They can take a variety of forms, but share the goal of breaking down barriers to private investment in green products like renewable energy while tapping into the expertise of the private investment world.The Michigan Saves program—initially funded by a grant from the Michigan Public Service Commission —has been operating a variety of programs that are attracting private investment in energy efficiency across the state.Its residential energy efficiency program is leveraging private investment at a rate of 20 private dollars for every public dollar invested, driving more than million in investments since 2010. It does this by providing a variety of services like administrative functions, protection against loan defaults, and the aggregation of smaller investments into products on a scale that attracts investors.But what we need now is a green bank on a much larger scale to drive investments in the large renewable energy projects that will transition our electricity sector away from its fossil fuel dependence.Im not talking about energy-efficient windows and insulation (although we need those, too).Im talking about power-plant-size projects—dozens of them—that will reliably supply Michigans electricity demand.The ed Kingdoms Green Investment Bank is a good example of how this can work on a grand scale and move green investments from the public to the private sector.Begun in 2012, the bank has invested in 75 green infrastructure projects. Projects are assessed based on profitability and ;green impact,; a measure of their ability to reduce greenhouse gas emissions or avoid landfill waste.To date, the Green Investment Bank has leveraged 2.6 billion pounds into investments totaling 10.6 billion pounds. As a result of this success, the UK government will now shift the Green Investment Bank entirely into the private sector, selling off its stake to investors eager to move into this promising market.The Bank is now looking to go global, investing in West African nations and India.My organization, the Union of Concerned Scientists, started looking into this last year after learning about green bank programs in a few states like New York and Connecticut. And being the number-crunching wonks that we are, we developed a tool to estimate the potential for a robustly-funded green bank in Michigan.Based on the performance of existing green bank programs, we estimate that Michigan could leverage about 0 million in initial public funding into more than billion in clean energy investment over the next 15 years. That gets us to a scale necessary to drive the transition we need. And the beauty of it is that because green banks dont give away the money—they invest it—the scale grows over time as the program becomes self-sustaining.So maybe the idea isnt new.What is new is the ambition to take this to the scale necessary to compliment traditional environmental regulations and facilitate a fast transition to renewable energy.As the need to address climate change becomes more urgent, we must take advantage of lessons learned and proven successes.The consequences of not dealing with climate change are dire. But there are also opportunities to drive economic growth and create a cleaner, more sustainable and affordable supply of electricity.As weve done time and again, we must turn challenge into opportunity, and a Michigan green bank could do just that.201605/445508On Tuesday Police said they are investigating the parents of the three-year-old boy who fell into a gorilla enclosure at the Cincinnati Zoo 周二,警方对辛辛那提动物园掉进大猩猩场地的三岁男孩的父母进行调查,and had to be rescued by a team that shot the 400-pound animal to death. 重达400磅的猩猩被射杀致死,男孩获救。Hamilton County Prosecutor Joe Deters said that authorities will look at the parents actions leading up to the incident 哈密尔顿县检察官乔·迪特斯称,当局将调查父母导致事故的行径,not the operation of the zoo, which is overseen by the U.S. Department of Agriculture. 不是动物园的行动,这是由美国农业部监管。Police will then reportedly confer with prosecutors over whether charges should be filed. 据报道,警方随后将与检方商谈应提起哪个指控。The incident has triggered a major debate online, with some saying the boys mother should be charged with child endangering, 这一事件引发了网上大规模讨论,一些人表示,这个男孩的母亲应没有看管孩子被指控,while others want the zoo held responsible for the animals death.而其他人希望动物园为猩猩的死亡负责。译文属。201606/447061

That task would be left to two modern day experts on Tibet.他将这件工作留给今日两位西藏专家。American John Bellezza is an explorer and archaeologist, who has studied this regions rich past for the last 20 years.美国考古学家约翰·贝勒查,过去二十年都在调查古格王朝的丰富历史。Tibet is reigned by these incredibly high snow mountains.在西藏的四周围绕着这些积着雪的高山。Its an Olympic country of fantastic mountain ranges and broad rivers and pure lakes.它是个平静的国家,周围受到层层奇山环绕河流广阔湖水澄净。Tibet is really an inspirational land.西藏确实是一片激发灵感的乐土。The colors in Tibet, the quality of light, the way they showers cast are unmatched anywhere else on our planet.西藏所散发的色光线的质地,甚至阴影投射的方式都是地球任何地方所无法比拟的。Tibet is surrounded by the mighty mountain ranges of the Himalaya.西藏的周围是高耸的喜马拉雅山脉。To the south and west stands India, and to north and east China.南边及西边邻接印度,北边及东边是中国。The kingdom of Guge occupied the arid western of Tibet.古格王朝雄据西藏的西侧。It is 5-day drive west of Tibetan capital of Lhasa.札布让距离西藏首都拉萨五天车程。It is an arduous journey across unpaved roads in some of the least inhabited and harshest landscapes on the planet.沿途是崎岖不平的山路,人迹稀少,景色荒凉。The hardship and harshness of nature has forged unique spirit in the people who live here.大自然的艰困造就居民不畏苦的精神。It is often said that Tibetans are inherently spiritual people.常听人说藏民天生就像是一群属灵的人。I think part of it is the landscape.我认为部份原因是当地景色所致。The Tibetan plateau is just so high. You are so close to the heavens.西藏高原地势相当高耸,让你宛如紧挨天堂。The closest, to most people would get to being this extreme multitude, would be flying in an aeroplane.多数人只有在搭乘飞机时才能这么高。It is a harsh, demanding environment.这里环境恶劣。This is where Tsering Gyalpo, a leading international authority on Tibetan history was born and raised.这里正是国际西藏历史权威和嘉波才让的生长之地。 译文属201601/419539

Religion and free speech宗教与自由言论The right to be rude粗鲁的权利An offensive preacher acquires some unlikely allies一名无礼牧师获得一些意想不到的盟友MICHAEL OVERD is an evangelical Christian with strong views on the sinfulness of homosexuality and the wrongness of Islam (except, presumably, on the issue of homosexuality). He likes to hold forth among the shoppers of Taunton, a quiet town in south-west England. But on March 23rd Mr Overd was found guilty of using threatening or abusive language—although a more serious charge of causing “religiously aggravated” offence was rejected. The judge, Shamim Qureshi, ordered him to pay £250 (5) in compensation to a man who said he was left feeling “ashamed and belittled” by the preachers stance on same-sex relations.迈克尔·奥维德是一名福音基督徒,他认为同性恋是一种原罪,而伊斯兰教是错的(不过可能在认为同性恋有罪上或许他们是一致的),对此他持有强硬的态度。他喜欢在英格兰西南部的一个安静小镇汤顿里,向顾客作长篇大论的演讲。但在3月23号,奥维德被判使用恐吓性或侮辱性语言的罪名,尽管更严重的指控给—造成“宗教骚扰”被驳回了。法官沙米姆·库勒西令其向一名男士付250镑(374美元)的赔偿金,这名男士表示因牧师在同性关系所持立场令他感到“羞愧和轻视”。When Mr Overd objected to “paying 250 to a sodomite” the judge threatened him with 45 days in prison. The preacher then agreed to pay compensation but said he would appeal. “I find it quite incredible that a Muslim judge finds a Christian guilty and wants to protect homosexuals, whom I have no personal hatred against,” he declared on leaving the courtroom.当奥维德拒绝“付250镑给一个同性恋者”时,法官威胁警告他将面临45天的牢狱之灾。这位牧师最终答应了付赔偿金但表示将会上诉。在离开法庭时他声明:“我觉得一名穆斯林法官判定一名基督徒有罪还想保护同性恋是不可思议的,但我对同性恋并没有个人恩怨。”The evangelist has acquired some unlikely defenders. The National Secular Society (NSS), which fights religious privilege of all kinds, says the case vindicates its long-running campaign to safeguard free speech from sloppy legislation. Mr Overd was prosecuted under the Public Order Act, which outlaws “threatening, insulting or abusive” language and can result in prison sentences of up to seven years if the offence is deemed to be racially or religiously motivated.这位福音传道者获得了一些令人意想不到的捍卫者。英国世俗协会(NSS)反对任何形式的宗教特权,该协会表示这个案子明了在漏洞百出的法律下争取自由言论的长期运动是正确的。奥维德在公共秩序法之下被迫害,这部法律将“威胁性、污蔑性或侮辱性”话语定为非法,如果罪行是种族或宗教问题而引发的话,可能会被判高达七年的有期徒刑。Thanks to a campaign by the NSS and others, the law has been amended so that insulting language no longer incurs prosecution merely because the police think it has the potential to offend. It must be shown that an insult was directed at a particular person or group, and that offence was taken. But civil libertarians want the law further amended to protect insulting speech and take away the reference to religious aggravation. Although Britain has abolished its ancient ban on blasphemy, which punished insults against Christianity, the concept of religious aggravation amounts to a new sort of blasphemy law that could be used to prevent criticism of any religion, argues Keith Porteous Wood, executive director of the NSS.由于NSS和其他人推动,这项法律已被修订。因此警方再也不能认为公民的言语有冒犯倾向而对其提出诉讼,警方必须要明侮辱是针对某个特定的人或群体,并且该冒犯行为已被人当真。但公民自由主义者希望法律进行进一步修订,保护侮辱性的言语并取消关于宗教骚扰的条文。尽管英国已取消亵渎神明这一禁止侮辱基督教的古老禁令,宗教骚扰这一概念意味着一种新的亵渎神明法,可以被用来阻止对任何宗教的批判,NSS的执行理事基斯·波蒂厄斯·伍德如是说。One of Britains best known gay-rights campaigners, Peter Tatchell, has offered to speak in court in favour of the preachers right to hold forth. He thinks that Mr Overds views are bigoted and would protest against them. But being spared offence is not a human right, he says: “In a free, democratic society, the criminalisation of unpleasant opinions is a step too far.”皮特·塔切尔是英国最著名的同性恋权利捍卫者之一,他提出要在法庭上发言持牧师演讲的权利。他认为奥维德的观点是僵化的并会抵制这些言行。但他说,不受冒犯不是一项人权,“在一个自由民主的社会,对不受欢迎的意见定罪未免太过了。”译者:王颖 校对:唐宇 译文属译生译世 /201504/368089Argentinas debt阿根廷债务Lets not make a deal别签协议啦Argentina may spurn a chance to settle with its creditors阿根廷或将还债机会弃如敝履WHEN Argentina defaulted on its debt for the second time in 13 years last July, the government blamed a pesky clause in its contracts with bondholders. The so-called Rights Upon Future Offers (RUFO) clause was set to expire on December 31st, in theory opening the way to a settlement with bondholders who had refused Argentinas earlier offers of partial payment. A deal would make it easier to borrow dollars, which the country badly needs to pay for imports. But the president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, may spurn the opportunity.去年七月,阿根廷发生了十三年来的第二次债务违约,而政府却将这次违约归咎于与债权人签订的合同中的某项麻烦条款。由于之前债权人拒绝阿根廷部分偿还,这项本应于12月31日到期的“未来发行权利”(RUFO)条款理论上可以解决与债权人之间的债务问题。这项协议可以为阿根廷借入美元提供更多便利,有了美元,阿根廷就可以解决进口商品所使用货币的燃眉之急。不过,克里斯蒂娜·费尔南德斯·基什内尔总统却有可能将这一机会弃如敝履。After its previous default (in 2001) Argentina offered RUFO as a way to entice bondholders to swap the old debt for new bonds worth much less than the original ones. The clause says that any future deal offered to some bondholders would be extended to all of them. In 2012 a court in New York ruled that Argentina would have to pay in full the small minority of bondholders who refused the debt swap. These are mostly American hedge funds, which bought the bonds at a fraction of their face value. Argentina argued that complying with the court order would trigger billions in payments to all holders of bonds issued under New York law, and so chose to default. Since the courts ruling, its foreign-exchange reserves have dwindled to billion, less than needed to pay for six months imports. Low commodity prices mean that few dollars are flowing in.上次(2001年)债务违约后,阿根廷通过 RUFO 怂恿债券持有人进行债务掉期,也就是说用原先价格较低的旧债券交换价格较高的新债券。这一条款规定,合同签署后,政府和部分债券持有人达成的协议将适用于全体债券持有人。 2012年,纽约一家法院判定阿根廷政府应向拒绝债务掉期的少数债券持有人一次付清所有债务。后者主要是美国对冲基金,它们当初就是以远远低于面值的价格买入了阿根廷债券。阿根廷称,根据纽约法律,按法庭裁决行事将导致对债券持有人付高达数十亿的费用,于是便选择了违约。法院作出判决后,阿根廷外汇储备已缩减至300亿美元,甚至不足以付六个月的商品进口。较低物价意味着美元流入会更少。The government has responded by further restricting imports, which has led to shortages of supplies to factories and of some consumer goods. That is one reason why the economy is expected to shrink by around 1% in 2015. Debt payments during the year will siphon off some 40% of international reserves. In December Argentina tried to reduce that drain by offering holders of bonds due for repayment new securities that mature in 2024. The gambit failed miserably: just 4% of creditors volunteered to exchange their 2015 bonds.由于限制进口导致工厂供货和部分日用品出现了短缺,政府已对进一步限制进口做出了回应。这便是阿根廷经济增速预计将在2015年下跌1个百分点的原因之一。全年的债务将造成外汇储备流失40%。十二月时,阿根廷曾试图给债券持有人提供2024年到期的新债券,以避免本国外汇储备消耗过快。这项策略后以惨败告终:只有4%的债权人自愿用2015年债券进行兑换。Things are so desperate that the government will soon make an attractive offer to holdout bondholders, some observers believe. The expiration of the RUFO clause makes the cost bearable; the government would not have to make the same offer to the other bondholders.一些观察家认为,当前情况万分危急,政府不久就会制定出富有吸引力的政策来维系人心。这次RUFO条款期满后,违约成本尚可担负;但政府今后不会再和其他债券持有人签署同样的协议了。But that is a minority view. The real obstacles to paying off the holdouts have always been political rather than contractual, many think. Ms Fernández and her advisers demonised them as “vultures” and blamed them for many of Argentinas woes. To pay them now would be awkward, and the economic gains might be modest. Luis Secco of Perspectivas, a consulting firm, argues that turmoil in Venezuela, Russia and other emerging markets will make investors hesitant to lend to Argentina. Even if the government reaches an agreement with creditors, “it wont rain dollars,” he says.不过,这只是小部分人的看法。许多人认为,一直以来,政府无力清偿债务的真正原因都不是合同问题,而是各种政治方面的因素。在费尔南德斯总统及其幕僚那里,债券持有人遭到了妖魔化—这群“秃鹫”俨然成了阿根廷诸多灾难的罪魁祸首。现在就给他们还债听起来甚是荒唐,经济也可能只是适度增长。咨询公司 Perspectivas 的 Luis Secco 认为,委内瑞拉、俄罗斯以及其他新兴市场的混乱局面将使投资者对于收购阿根廷债券犹豫不决。即使政府同债权人达成了协议,“天上也不会掉美元,”他这样说。Besides, ask sceptics, why should Ms Fernández strike a bargain that would bring political benefits mainly to her successor? She will stand down as president after elections next October; none of the prospective candidates so far has her backing. The easiest course of action would be to hand off the debt fiasco to the next president—and let the economy pay the price.此外,怀疑人士还提出了一个问题:为什么费尔南德斯总统会签署一份政治利益主要荫泽后任的协议呢?过了明年十月,她就要从总统任上退休了;这些候选人里并无她所持的对象。最简单的做法就绕过债务泥潭,让下一任总统收拾烂摊子—代价就让经济来付吧。译者:王卓 译文属译生译世 /201501/352807

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